Wednesday, November 20, 2013
The Near Triumph of Market Economics
11:40 AM
1 comment
This was a very interesting read.
The author had formed obvious opinions favoring neo-classical thought. With
that in mind, I believe they did a good job summarizing the battle of economic
thought that persists today. Something interesting to note is a point made that
even though classical economic thought is continuously attacked, somehow the
attacks have seemed only to refine it. Today neo-classical thought continues to
persevere amongst a diverse academic environment.
I also find the argument
interesting that every economic woe to ever exist since Adam Smith is the fault
of politicians, Marxists, socialist, and anything not neo-classical leaning.
Maybe that argument wasn’t intended. However in that case, it was accidently
articulated very well.
I very much liked the point that
was mentioned about Friedman desiring a consensus on economic thought. It seems
to me that there is a place for neo-classic thought and a place for Keynesian
thought. Marx made some good points as well, and to this day I wonder if we
will still see the revolution of the worker that he imagined. However, the
bickering seams to continue. Not only among academic elite, but among
politicians and also among the people in general.
To me, before we can answer the
question “Who is right?” we must first answer the question “What is the purpose
of economics?” Is it to allocate resources in the most effective way? Is it to
improve the quality of life? Is it to grow GDP? I argue that the purpose of
economic policy is the same as the purpose of government, to insure life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I don’t care how efficiently resources
are allocated if I am not free. I would even be willing to sacrifice my
standard of living to ensure freedom. I believe the majority of Americans feel
that same. I suspect the worldview may be a little different.
The last thing I wanted to comment
on was the two opposing views between Musgrave and Buchanan. One trusted
Politian’s and the other did not. I don’t know how anyone could trust
politicians in general. Power corrupts and though there may be exceptions to
the rule, politicians in general are corrupt or become corrupt. This is
essential to our economic system because no matter what the best economic
choice is, politicians will only do it if it benefits them. This is a universal
concept and at the base as to why we fought for our independence.
Two words; term limits. If we
imposed term limits on congress then this would eliminate many problems we
have. Legislatures would no longer work feverishly to get re-elected. Instead
they can do what best for the people. Some might think that gerrymandering
would cease, but I think it would continue for party power. So we also need to
eliminate gerrymandering. It would be best if we could reset these lines to
some kind of generic geographical lines, but even if we didn’t over time
demographics would change and the currently lines would mean little for
political party re-election. Another problem is fund raising. Congress uses
“fund raising” during legislative sessions as a form of extortion. They
threaten laws and then the corresponding interest come begging to throw a
fundraiser in order to help the congressman see their view of the issues. If we eliminated fundraising during
legislation sessions, combined with previously mentioned items, it would help
limit congressional extortion.
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Thought On John Keynes
Thoughts on Keynes
By Benjamin Bowman
I find it interesting that author
highlighted the great success and large fortune amassed by Keynes. Although
many other men and women we have read about have had successful careers, and I
assume became wealthy, the author never really has made it a point to describe
their fortunes. Maybe, the reason for this is the method by which Keynes
amassed such a larges fortune. He did so by successful securities speculation
to a level that is quite impressive. During the years he lived there were wild
swings in the markets, and someone good at analyzing markets could have made a
lot of money, and he did.
It is no surprise then that Keynes
was fairly accurate at imagining the economic for his grandchildren as he wrote
“Economics Possibilities for our Grandchildren” in 1930. He wrote at a time
where many people believe that the rapid increase of quality of life, and rapid
economic development was coming to an end. Many people believed that things
were going to get worse, and not better. Keynes however, saw a bright future. He
felt we were merely adjusting to a new economic climate. That the rapid changes
in technology had simply led to some maladjustment that needed to be worked
out, but the future was going to be great. He was right.
Keynes was
obviously successful as an economist. I find it interesting that again we see
an example of scientific thought being influenced by the events of the time. We
have seen this time and time again, that multiple people are discussing and
developing similar principles of economics. My conclusion was that scientific
thought is molded by current scientific and social conditions. In this case
Keynes wrote and developed much of his monetary policy during the great
depression. I wonder how his theories would have differed if he developed them
without the influence of the great depression. Likely, he would be influenced
by some other factor that helped to direct his thought.
I also find
it interesting that Keynes is an excellent example of how someone can be
educated on the status quo and venture away from group thought. Though it is
very difficult, it is possible. Keynes himself describes it as a “long struggle
of escape.” Most notably was his inability to accept Say’s law. This was not
without good reason. It seems that this dissent is what led him to his new
theory. While trying to articulate why he thought that Say’s law was wrong, he
ended up formulating his own solutions to aggregate demand.
To me,
Keynes drift from group thought not only demonstrates vision, but courage. A
part of “Economics Possabilties for our Grandchildren” makes me think that
Keynes, as many great men and women, really wanted to make the world a better
place. He believed that within 100 years from 1930, all the economic problems
of the world would be solved. Of course he realized that this was more of a
wish than a prediction, but it also demonstrates his vision. Especially in a
time of depression, he believed that greater days were to come. I believe that
one day we may reach a solution, not to eliminate all woes from society because
society has a way of self inflicting them, but a solution that helps self
regulate economies so that they cannot get to far out of control. Of course
politicians, wars, and evil will most assuredly screw up any perfect system.
Maybe it’s just a dream, but I believe it is a good goal.
Another way
that Keynes differed from classical economist is in money theory. Classical
economists believed that people held money for transactions and that the
transaction demand for money was directly related to income. Keynes believed
this as well, but said that people also held cash because of a preference for
liquidity. He also said that the main determinant of investment was the
interest rate, not the income. The higher the interest rate, the more likely
people are to hold bonds instead of cash.
A unique
part of Keynes’ money theory is his liquidity trap. He argued that the interest rate might fall
so low that everyone would withdrawal from bonds. This would imply that there
is a floor to interest rates, and that at some point lower interest rates would
not induce further investments. The significance of this is that it means the
affect of monetary policy was not so simple and predicable as the classics
thought. Keynes concluded that monetary policy designed to work through
interest rates is useless in the face of depression and widespread
unemployment. For this reason Keynes recommended strong fiscal policy instead
of interest rate manipulation only in order to stimulate the economy.
Keynes did
not accept that the private sector was a fail-safe guard against long-term
unemployment. He argued that government should tax and spend in order to
influence the business cycle. He believed that the government should stand
ready to execute a planned effort to use all it’s tools available to stimulate
the economy. This idea of government intervention eventually became a way of
orthodox thought. It spread into almost all institutions of higher learning.
Keynes is a very interesting
subject to study because it is the first economist that we have read about
who’s thought and theories have not completely settled down into its place in
economic thought. Most of the other economist have either been discredited or
been accepted for their usefulness. Although there may be some persisting
debate, I don’t think to the degree of the debate that lies around Keynes
philosophies.
Keynes’
conclusions rely heavily on empirical estimations of elasticity of his own
theoretical functions. These estimations are extremely difficult to obtain, and
some would argue impossible. There are a lot of difficulties involved in the
price declines required for some of Keynes’ theories. One of the first arguments that Keynes make
in “Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren” is that prices had not fallen
enough. Nevertheless, my point is that many parts of Keynes philosophies are
still debated to this day. Only time will tell how Keynes fairs in the history
of economics.
Economics Possibilities for our Grandchildren – John Maynard
Keynes
http://www.aspeninstitute.org/sites/default/files/content/upload/Intro_Session1.pdf
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Thoughts on Chamberlin and Robinson
7:45 AM
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Thoughts on Chamberlin and Robinson
By Benjamin Bowman
We have been reading a lot about competition
models, but mostly economists have focused on perfect competition or no
competition. This is mainly because it’s more difficult to create a graphical
representation of imperfect competition. Cournot attempted to explain duopoly.
This perhaps was one of the first official attempts at scholars to do so. The
solutions that Cournot suggested were based on flawed assumptions, but after
about 50 years his work inspired others to take up the challenge including
Chamberlin and Robinson. They each wrote independent books concerning this
challenge.
It is interesting that they wrote
on the same problem at the same time, but independent of each other. Great minds really do think alike, sort of.
The book also makes mention that throughout history there are examples of
similar but independent discovers at the same time. I can only imagine that
certain environments foster new ideas, and often there is simply more than one
person capable of making the discovery.
However, it
wasn’t immediately or directly that Chamberlin and Robinson became a feature
answer to this question. Before they published their books there was already fierce
debate between Taussig and Pigou concerning railway rates. They were discussing
how best to explain the varying railroad rates, either with Marhsall’s joint
supply or with price-discrimination. This was an important debate, mostly
because it challenged the middle ground. In fact, in 1961 Chamberlin attributed
the origin of his theory of imperfect competition to this debate.
Chamberlin
was inspired by this debate to continue to investigate markets that did not fit
into monopoly conditions or perfect competition conditions. He called his new
theories “monopolistic competition.” There are several aspects to his theories,
one of which is product differentiation. Chamberlin realized that not only can
companies compete on price, but also on non-price basis. He recognized that
some firms in a competitive market could have some kind of “unique product or
advantage” that gave them at least some control over price.
Pigou
already recognized this to a point, but Chamberlin elaborated the idea and listed
some examples. An example he used was intellectual property, thought probably
not called that at the time. He said that copyrights, trademarks, brand names
etc., may give a product or company some degree of uniqueness and therefore a
competitive advantage.
It’s
important to notice that advertising in order to differentiate under perfect
competition or monopoly conditions would be countered productive. As a
monopoly, the consumer has no other choice, and so there is no need to
differentiate the brand or product. Under perfect competition, the firm makes
and sells all of its product at a market given price. By definition of a
perfect market, all products would be homogeneous, and therefore there is no
need for brand loyalty or brand recognition. Advertising for differentiation is
a mute point. However, Chamberlain recognized that advertising does work to
shift the demand curve, and in fact it was a common practice.
Robinson,
however, did not contribute much to the role of advertising and product
differentiation as elements of monopolistic markets, but instead developed a
“set of tools” that were useful in the analysis of partial-equilibrium analysis
of markets and market structures. She modified the concept of marginal revenue,
and used it to analyze several different types of markets. Instead of trying to
classify all the different levels of competition (competitive monopolies), she
used the monopoly model to help analyzed them. There are just as many levels of
competition within markets as there are markets themselves. It would be
impossible to catalog each and every one. Therefore, by creating tools to help
analyze the entire spectrum of competition levels, her method was more general
and more comprehensive.
An area in
which Robinson seemed especially interest was price discrimination. Price
discrimination is the practice by a firm with monopolistic power, of charging
different prices to different consumers for the same product. A good example of
this is ski-resorts. While local ski resorts offer fantastic discounts targeted
at locals, they charge “full” price to tourists that travel from around the
world to visit this destination. Why? Because they know the tourists will pay
it.
Originally
described by Pigou, the discussion first evolved around conditions necessary
for price discrimination. First, the
firm has to have some degree of monopolistic (price setting) power. Second, the
firm must be able to recognize or artificially create separate markets for its
products. Third, relative profitability must be different between the separate
markets.
Robinson
showed that Pigou was wrong to assume that price-discrimination would not cause
a change in supply. In fact, Pigou’s conclusion was only accurate for special
cases. Robinson showed that based on the concavity of the demand curves in the
market, the supply will be either increase or decreased depending.
This
conclusion was important in analysis of various transportation and
public-utility markets. Using the contributions of Robinson, we able to
discriminate between markets that would benefit from price discrimination, and
markets that would not. At the same time, markets in which price discrimination
would not benefit the consumer can be identified and price discrimination
limited. Probably one of the largest affects this discussion of price
discrimination had was in anti-trust legislation. Because priced discrimination
requires some level of monopolistic power, a large body legislation in the
United States requires a firm prove the benefit of price discrimination to the
consumer by establishing a kind of “welfare” test using Robinson’s analysis.
It is
interesting that thought they took almost completely different approaches, they
both made significant contributions. The reading makes it apparent, that the
argument of who is right, or if any one answer is better, has not completely
been decided yet, at least at the time of the writing. In my opinion, it would be better to build a
dynamic form of analysis, which instead of trying to predict every variable,
would be able to adapt the model based on the situation. I guess in that way I
lean toward Robinson a little more than Chamberlain.
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